The increasingly sophisticated arsenals of guided light weapons held by non-state actors pose an international security threat. Such systems—man-portable air defence systems (MANPADS) and anti-tank guided weapons (ATGWs)— are operable by a single user or a small crew, and the weapons' missiles are either manually targeted or self-guided after launch. These weapons have been used by armed groups to attack commercial airlines, military aircraft, and governmental targets, as well as to degrade military and peacekeeping operations worldwide.

Improvised explosive devices (IEDs), which are increasingly used by insurgents, have devastating effects on government forces and civilians. Between 2011 and 2013, more than 4,300 IED events in 66 countries resulted in an estimated 65,400 casualties, the vast majority of them civilian.

Four countries—Iraq, Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Syria—bear an especially high incidence of IED attacks, accounting for a total of more than 3,300 incidents and more than 51,000 casualties during that period.

Policy and research dealing with the relationship between women and firearms usually stress the role of women as victims. Of the estimated 66,000 annual homicides of women committed each year, roughly 40 percent involve firearms. Guns are even more commonly used to injure, intimidate, and coerce women.

Although some women own and use guns, policy and research on firearms tend to focus on the role of and effects on men.

Levels of handgun ownership and armed violence remain high in the Western Balkans region, despite decreased threat of armed conflict during the past fifteen years. Pervasive civilian ownership of firearms has been linked to elevated violent crime, and the homicide rate in the Western Balkans is higher than those of nearby countries. In addition, organized crime activities contribute to insecurity in the region.

Unplanned explosions at munitions sites (UEMS) are a significant safety concern for governments and a major security challenge for the international community. The Small Arms Survey has documented more than 500 such incidents in 100 countries over the 35-year period from 1979 to 2013.

South Sudan is saturated with weapons following the long civil war prior to its independence in 2011. The weapons that were once in the hands of the rebel forces now officially belong to the newly developed state defence and security forces. In comparable situations elsewhere, a by-product of restructuring such forces is a surplus of small arms, light weapons, and ammunition. The demand for armed personnel and weaponry is clearly at its height during periods of conflict. As conflicts abate, however, many arms remain in circulation.

While the weapons of state armed forces are not the largest major category of small arms—worldwide there are around three civilian-owned firearms for each one held by militaries—they are a serious factor in conflict and violence, and the focus of much international diplomacy. Military-owned small arms also constitute the world’s largest centrally controlled stockpiles. They can be involved in massive transfers, and raise vital control issues.

Although many armed groups possess guided weapons, such as man-portable air defence systems (MANPADS) and anti-tank guided weapons (ATGWs), few of them possess sophisticated vehicle-mounted systems—like the SA-11—capable of targeting airliners at cruising altitudes.

Since 1998 at least 59 non-state armed groups from 37 countries are known to have possessed guided light weapons systems, posing a significant international security threat (2013).

The small arms and light weapons held by non-state armed groups—such as opposition and insurgent movements, pro-government militias, and community-based vigilante groups—pose multiple threats.

When Nepal’s civil war ended in 2006, the country had changed fundamentally. Legacies of the war included the end of the monarchy and the accommodation of Maoist rebels (Unified Communist Party of Nepal–Maoist, UCPN-M), who were integrated into the government. A total of 1,462 Maoists (including 71 officers) were selected for integration into the Nepal Army (Pun, 2012). Like many post-conflict societies, Nepal is struggling to re-establish political stability and cope with post-conflict violence.